A law has been proposed requiring the cargo boxes of trucks carrying gravel to be covered by a tarpaulin, because vehicles driving close behind open-topped gravel trucks can be damaged by gravel flying off these trucks. The law is unlikely to substantially reduce such damage, however: flying gravel is much less likely to come from the cargo box itself than from the grooves of the tires, in which gravel can become wedged during loading.
Which of the following, if true, provides the strongest support for the argument given?
A. The drivers of vehicles behind a gravel truck are more likely to remain close behind the truck if the trucks cargo box is covered than if it is uncovered.
B. Most trucks that carry gravel already carry tarpaulins that their drivers use to cover the cargo box when they are carrying sand, which can blow out of the cargo box in significant quantities.
C. Of all the damage that occurs to vehicles on the highway, debris that flies off trucks is the cause of only a very small fraction.
D. The proposed law allows open-topped trucks on the highway to have uncovered cargo boxes whenever their cargo boxes are empty.
E. Because of the great weight of a load of gravel, the driver of a gravel truck is often driving much more slowly than most of the other vehicles on the road.
Before feminist literary criticism emerged in the 1970s, the nineteenth-century United States writer Fanny Fern was regarded by most critics (when considered at all) as a prototype of weepy sentimentalism—a pious, insipid icon of conventional American culture. Feminist reclamations of Fern, by contrast, emphasize her nonsentimental qualities, particularly her sharply humorous social criticism. Most feminist scholars find it difficult to reconcile Fern’s sardonic social critiques with her effusive celebrations of many conventional values. Attempting to resolve this contradiction, Harris concludes that Fern employed flowery rhetoric strategically to disguise her subversive goals beneath apparent conventionality. However, Tompkins proposes an alternative view of sentimentality itself, suggesting that sentimental writing could serve radical, rather than only conservative ends by swaying readers emotionally, moving them to embrace social change.
Consider each of the choices separately and select all that apply.
1. The passage suggests which of the following about the contradiction mentioned in the highlighted sentence?
A. It was not generally addressed by critics before the 1970s.
B. It is apparent in only a small number of Ferns writings.
C. It has troubled many feminist critics who study Fern.
2. It can be inferred from the passage that Tompkins would be most likely to agree with which of the following about the critics mentioned in the passage?
A. They accurately characterize the overall result Fern is aiming to achieve.
B. They are not as dismissive of Fern as some feminist critics have suggested.
C. They exaggerate the extent to which Fern intended her writing to serve a social purpose.
D. They wrongly assume that sentimental must be a pejorative term.
E. They fail to recognize the role that sentimental rhetoric plays to reader’s emotions.
Carla L. Peterson’s Doers of the Word (1997), a study of African American women speakers and writers from 1830-1880, is an important addition to scholarship on nineteenth-century African American women. Its scope resembles that of Frances Smith Fosters 1993 study, but its approach is quite different. For Foster, the Black women who came to literary voice in nineteenth-century America were claiming their rights as United States citizens, denying that anything should disqualify them from full membership in an enlightened national polity. Peterson sees these same women as having been fundamentally estranged from the nation by a dominant culture unsympathetic to Black women, and by a Black intelligentsia whose male view of race concerns left little room for Black female intellect.
Consider each of the choices separately and select all that apply.
1. The passage indicates that Peterson identifies which of the following as obstacles faced by the women included in her study?
A. the attitudes of Black male intellectuals toward female intellectual work
B. the discriminatory attitudes faced by Black women in nineteenth-century America as a whole
C. disagreements among Black women speakers and writers themselves about the impact of the Black intelligentsia
2. It can be inferred that Peterson’s study and Fosters study are similar with respect to which of the following?
A. the writers that each takes up for examination
B. the degree to which each has influenced other scholars
C. the assumptions that each brings to nineteenth-century African American literature
D. their analysis of the nineteenth-century Black intelligentsia
E. their interpretation of nineteenth-century Americas dominant culture
The manuscripts of the eight extant Latin tragedies identify the plays as the Marci Lucii Annei Senecae Tragoediae. Since nobody of that name is known, modern scholars believe the dramasto be the work of Lucius Annaeus Seneca the Younger, the well-known philosopher, orator and politician. Clearly the tragedies were written during Seneca’s lifetime: internal references to earlier poets, most notably Ovid, indicate that the dramas cannot have been composed prior to the second decade C.E., and the plays must have been written by 96C.E., when Quintilian quotes Medea, one of the tragedies.
It is remarkably, however, that Seneca himself never mentions the plays, since there are certain passages in them that could be used to illustrate points of his philosophy. There are at least two possible explanations. In the early Roman Empire, playwrights were sometimes exiled or executed for line constructed as directed against the emperor; thus, Seneca’s silence may be simple prudence. But if anyone could safely attach his name to dramas, surely it would be Seneca, the emperor’s tutor. And although Herrmann offers Seneca’s modesty as an explanation, Seneca is not averse to referring to his other writings. The evidence for equating Seneca with the author of the tragedies seems circumstantial.
1. The author mentions Medea primarily in order to
A. give an example of a play in which references to certain authors can be used to determine when the Marci Lucii Annei Senecae Tragoediae were composed
B. acknowledge the possibility that the Marci Lucii Annei Senecae Tragoediae may have been written by Quintilian rather than Seneca
C. suggest that certain of the Marci Lucii Annei Senecae Tragoediae may have been written near the end of Seneca’s lifetime
D. argue that Marci may have been one of the last of the eight plays in the Marci Lucii Annei Senecae Tragoediae to be written
E. indicate how the latest possible date for the time period during which the Marci Lucii Annei Senecae Tragordiae were composed might be established
2. The author of the passage makes which of the following claims about the eight extant Latin tragedies?
A. There is only circumstantial evidence that the plays were all written by the same author.
B. Scholars have persistently attributed the plays to Seneca despite evidence that some of them may have been composed prior to his lifetime.
C. Evidence in the manuscripts of the plays identifies them as having been written by Lucius Annaeus Seneca the Younger.
D. The plays contain some lines that have been construed as being directed against the emperor.
E. The plays contain material that could illustrate certain aspects of Seneca’s philosophy.
3. The author of the passage would most likely agree that if Seneca had in fact written the tragedies, then Seneca probably would have
A. used the plays as platforms for his philosophical ideas
B. referred to the plays in some of his other writings
C. been in danger of exile or execution for certain line in the plays
D. avoided attaching his name to be the plays out of modesty
E. written the plays during the latter portion of his lifetime
4. The author implies which of the following about Seneca’s status as the emperor’s tutor?
A. It enabled Seneca to illustrate points of his philosophy to the leaders of the early Roman Empire.
B. It had more of an effect on Seneca’s career as a dramatist than it did on his career as a philosopher, orator, and politician.
C. It might have offered Seneca some protection from certain dangers playwrights typically faced.
D. It required Seneca to avoid making references to his various writings.
E. It required that Seneca take particular care that his writings could not be construed as being directed against the emperor.
5. Each of the following assertions consistent with Seneca’s authorship of the plays appears in the passage EXCEPT
A. There is no known author by the name to which the plays are attributed.
B. Playwrights in the early Roman Empire were politically vulnerable.
C. There are references in the play to Ovid.
D. There are references in the plays to Seneca’s philosophical works.
E. There are quotations from the plays in the works of Quintilian.
In February 1848 the people of Paris rose in revolt against the constitutional monarchy of Louis-Philippe. Despite the existence of excellent narrative accounts, the February Days, as this revolt is called, have been largely ignored by social historians of the past two decades. For each of the three other major insurrections in nineteenth-century Paris—July 1830, June 1848, and May 1871—there exists at least a sketch of participants’ backgrounds and an analysis, more or less rigorous, of the reasons for the occurrence of the uprisings. Only in the case of the February Revolution do we lack a useful description of participants that might characterize it in the light of what social history has taught us about the process of revolutionary mobilization.
Two reasons for this relative neglect seem obvious. First, the insurrection of February has been overshadowed by that of June. The February Revolution overthrew a regime, to be sure, but met with so little resistance that it failed to generate any real sense of historical drama. Its successor, on the other hand, appeared to pit key socioeconomic groups in a life-or-death struggle and was widely seen by contemporary observers as marking a historical departure. Through their interpretations, which exert a continuing influence on our understanding of the revolutionary process, the impact of the events of June has been magnified, while, as an unintended consequence, the significance of the February insurrection has been diminished. Second, like other “successful” insurrections, the events of February failed to generate the most desirable kinds of historical records. Although the June insurrection of 1848 and the Paris Commune of 1871 would be considered watersheds of nineteenth-century French history by any standard, they also present the social historian with a signal advantage: these failed insurrections created a mass of invaluable documentation as a by-product of authorities’ efforts to search out and punish the rebels.
Quite different is the outcome of successful insurrections like those of July 1830 and February 1848. Experiences are retold, but participants typically resume their daily routines without ever recording their activities. Those who played salient roles may become the objects of highly embellished verbal accounts or in rare cases, of celebratory articles in contemporary periodicals. And it is true that the publicly acknowledged leaders of an uprising frequently write memoirs. However, such documents are likely to be highly unreliable, unrepresentative, and unsystematically preserved, especially when compared to the detailed judicial dossiers prepared for everyone arrested following a failed insurrection.
As a consequence, it may prove difficult or impossible to establish for a successful revolution a comprehensive and trustworthy picture of those who participated, or to answer even the most basic questions one might pose concerning the social origins of the insurgents.
1. With which of the following statements regarding revolution would the author most likely agree?
A. Revolutionary mobilization requires a great deal of planning by people representing disaffected groups.
B. The objectives of the February Revolution were more radical than those of the June insurrection.
C. The process of revolutionary mobilization varies greatly from one revolution to the next.
D. Revolutions vary greatly in the usefulness of the historical records that they produce.
E. As knowledge of the February Revolution increases, chances are good that its importance will eventually eclipse that of the June insurrection.
2. Which of the following is the most logical objection to the claim made in the last paragraph?
A. The February Revolution of 1848 is much less significant than the July insurrection of 1830.
B. The backgrounds and motivations of participants in the July insurrection of 1830 have been identified, however cursorily.
C. Even less is known about the July insurrection of 1830 than about the February Revolution of 1848.
D. Historical records made during the July insurrection of 1830 are less reliable than those made during the May insurrection of 1871.
E. The importance of the July insurrection of 1830 has been magnified at the expense of the significance of the February Revolution of 1848.
3. The purpose of the second paragraph is to explain why
A. the people of Paris revolted in February 1848 against the rule of Louis-Philippe
B. there exist excellent narrative accounts of the February Days
C. the February Revolution met with little resistance
D. a useful description of the participants in the February Revolution is lacking
E. the February Revolution failed to generate any real sense of historical drama
4. It can be inferred from the passage that the author considers which of the following essential for understanding a revolutionary mobilization?
A. a comprehensive theory of revolution that can be applied to the major insurrections of the nineteenth century
B. awareness of the events necessary for a revolution to be successful
C. access to narratives and memoirs written by eyewitnesses of a given revolution
D. the historical perspective provided by the passage of a considerable amount of time
E. knowledge of the socioeconomic backgrounds of a revolution’s participants