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  Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sector

  clerical workers, most of whom are women, were some-

  what limited. The factors favoring unionization drives

  seem to have been either the presence of large numbers

  (5) of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth the

  effort, or the concentration of small numbers in one or

  two locations, such as a hospital, to make it relatively

  easy, Receptivity to unionization on the workers, part

  was also a consideration, but when there were large

  (10) numbers involved or the clerical workers were the only

  unorganized group in a jurisdiction, the multioccupa-

  tional unions would often try to organize them regard-

  less of the workers’ initial receptivity. The strategic

  reasoning was based, first, on the concern that politi-

  (15) cians and administrators might play off unionized

  against nonunionized workers, and, second, on the

  conviction that a fully unionized public work force

  meant power, both at the bargaining table and in the

  legislature. In localities where clerical workers were few

  (20) in number, were scattered in several workplaces, and

  expressed no interest in being organized, unions more

  often than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.

  But since the mid-1970’s, a different strategy has

  emerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical

  (25) workers were represented by a labor organization,

  compared with 46 percent of government professionals,

  44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and

  41 percent of government service workers, Since then,

  however, the biggest increases in public-sector unioniza-

  (30) tion have been among clerical workers. Between 1977

  and 1980, the number of unionized government workers

  in blue-collar and service occupations increased only

  about 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupations

  the increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers

  (35) in particular, the increase was 22 percent.

  What accounts for this upsurge in unionization

  among clerical workers? First, more women have entered

  the work force in the past few years, and more of them

  plan to remain working until retirement age. Conse-

  (40) quently, they are probably more concerned than their

  predecessors were about job security and economic bene-

  fits. Also, the women’s movement has succeeded in legit-

  imizing the economic and political activism of women on

  their own behalf, thereby producing a more positive atti-

  (45) tude toward unions. The absence of any comparable

  increase in unionization among private-sector clerical

  workers, however, identifies the primary catalyst-the

  structural change in the multioccupational public-sector

  unions themselves. Over the past twenty years, the occu-

  (50) pational distribution in these unions has been steadily

  shifting from predominantly blue-collar to predomi-

  nantly white-collar. Because there are far more women

  in white-collar jobs, an increase in the proportion of

  female members has accompanied the occupational shift

  (55) and has altered union policy-making in favor of orga-

  nizing women and addressing women’s issues.

  1. According to the passage, the public-sector workers who

  were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 were

  (A) professionals

  (B) managers

  (C) clerical workers

  (D) service workers

  (E) blue-collar workers

  2. The author cites union efforts to achieve a fully

  unionized work force (line 13-19) in order to account

  for why

  (A) politicians might try to oppose public-sector union

  organizing

  (B) public-sector unions have recently focused on

  organizing women

  (C) early organizing efforts often focused on areas

  where there were large numbers of workers

  (D) union efforts with regard to public-sector clerical

  workers increased dramatically after 1975

  (E) unions sometimes tried to organize workers

  regardless of the workers’ initial interest in

  unionization

  3. The author’s claim that, since the mid-1970’s, a new

  strategy has emerged in the unionization of public-

  sector clerical workers (line 23 ) would be

  strengthened if the author

  (A) described more fully the attitudes of clerical workers

  toward labor unions

  (B) compared the organizing strategies employed by

  private-sector unions with those of public-sector

  unions

  (C) explained why politicians and administrators

  sometimes oppose unionization of clerical workers

  (D) indicated that the number of unionized public-sector

  clerical workers was increasing even before the mid-

  1970’s

  (E) showed that the factors that favored unionization

  drives among these workers prior to 1975 have

  decreased in importance

  4. According to the passage, in the period prior to 1975,

  each of the following considerations helped determine

  whether a union would attempt to organize a certain

  group of clerical workers EXCEPT

  (A) the number of clerical workers in that group

  (B) the number of women among the clerical workers

  in that group

  (C) whether the clerical workers in that area were

  concentrated in one workplace or scattered over

  several workplaces

  (D) the degree to which the clerical workers in that

  group were interested in unionization

  (E) whether all the other workers in the same juris-

  diction as that group of clerical workers were

  unionized

  5. The author states that which of the following is a

  consequence of the women’s movement of recent

  years?

  (A) An increase in the number of women entering the

  work force

  (B) A structural change in multioccupational public-

  sector unions

  (C) A more positive attitude on the part of women

  toward unions

  (D) An increase in the proportion of clerical workers

  that are women

  (E) An increase in the number of women in

  administrative positions

  6. The main concern of the passage is to

  (A) advocate particular strategies for future efforts to

  organize certain workers into labor unions

  (B) explain differences in the unionized proportions of

  various groups of public-sector workers

  (C) evaluate the effectiveness of certain kinds of labor

  unions that represent public-sector workers

  (D) analyzed and explain an increase in unionization

  among a certain category of workers

  (E) describe and distinguish strategies appropriate to

  organizing different categories of workers

  7. The author implies that if the increase in the number of

  women in the work force and the impact of the women’s

  movement were the main causes of the rise in

  unionization of public-sector clerical workers, then

  (A) more women would hold administrative positions in

  unions

  (B) more women who hold political offices would have

  positive attitudes toward labor unions

  (C) there would be an equivalent rise in unionization of

  private-sector clerical workers

  (D) unions would have shown more interest than they

  have in organizing women

  (E) the increase in the number of unionized public-

  sector clerical workers would have been greater than

  it has been

  8. The author suggests that it would be disadvantageous to

  a union if

  (A) many workers in the locality were not unionized

  (B) the union contributed to political campaigns

  (C) the union included only public-sector workers

  (D) the union included workers from several

  jurisdictions

  (E) the union included members from only a few

  occupations

  9. The author implies that, in comparison with working

  women today, women working in the years prior to the

  mid-1970’s showed a greater tendency to

  (A) prefer smaller workplaces

  (B) express a positive attitude toward labor unions

  (C) maximize job security and economic benefits

  (D) side with administrators in labor disputes

  (E) quit working prior of retirement age

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